Lo Bridge Genoa is the beginning of the collapse of old Europe.

With the title I do not mean that the EU will disappear (also) but, from now on, we will see many bridges collapse. Most engineers say that all infrastructures that were made of concrete between 60 and 70 only have insured 50 years of life (Morandi bridge was built between 1963 and 1967). 

But the old Europe does not have a penny to renew all these viaducts in danger of collapse. 
Moreover, the budget for infrastructure has been falling, as has happened in Spain:

Since the twenty - first century began, Spain has raised infrastructure no return, or even give money for maintenance. 
With the price of tickets AVE not get or pay its management, conservation must leave an item of the state budget; like that of the highways, thousands of kilometers that do not give any benefit to be free (a bullet would for that). 
The same goes for airports, it is really only profitable Barcelona, whose last enlargement are almost redeemed, not the Barajas you will need about 50 years to be.

You see, very expensive works with public funds only involve expenditures.And if the new needs of millions items, what about the old? 
As the old falls and fall ...


Spain is part of Europe that borrows 20,000 million euros a year to pay pensions. Pensions that could be lowered if the price of basic services was regulated by the state.

Genoa What happened yesterday is proof of failure and European governments do exactly the opposite of how things should make: what should be public is private and vice versa. 
Direct into chaos.

FOR THEM!

New governments in Italy and Spain from a European perspective

05/06/2018

Federico Larsen

L'Ombelico del Mondo

When Giuseppe Conte came for the second time in two weeks at  the Palazzo del Quirinale , seat of the Presidency of the Republic in Rome, all journalists, officials and even passersby surrounding the beautiful building in the center of the capital already knew by heart the possible names of government ministers who would present. And everyone also knew what it was irregular and strange that situation. 
It had been several hours the two leaders of the most popular parties in elections last March 4 were chatting in one of the terraces linking the offices of heads of parliament to block the headquarters of the head of state. The challenge to the unusual 30 ° of that afternoon in late May in Rome was the clear sign that looked to be seen, to some paparazzi in Italian politics a picture of the meeting leaked to the media. All media were live and direct from the surrounding streets, as if it were a hostage. 
The names of the government team should be well weighted, and throughout the day were circulating on the web messages and indiscretions that consolidated list of the new executive "change" as he was named its protagonists. Thus, contrary to what the Constitution provides (in which first the President of the Republic appoints the Prime Minister and only then this presents its list and proposed government), Conte came to the appointment with the already drawn cards. And the most unusual is that he apparently did virtually nothing.
After 88 days of negotiations, all it appeared headed for Italy had finally a political government, emerged from the agreement between Matteo Salvini, head of the xenophobic Lega, and Luigi di Maio, leader of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S), the comedian Beppe Grillo anti-caste concerning the "outraged" Italian and rejects the categories of right and left. 
Who were had happened in February or March such a scenario would have been labeled as dreamers or croakers.The idea that the two most critical games with the  status quo generated by the directives of the European Union (EU), the single currency and social policies of Italian traditional liberal parties (both center left and center right, not so dissimilar among them) succeed in agreeing on a plan of government and names concrete to carry it out, it looked as delusional and dangerous. Distrusts and resentments between Salvini and Di Maio were reduced according to what they were agreeing to. For example, neither take the role of Prime Minister, but there is a third running what others agreed. And to the complicated balance of the Italian political system, an executor Prime Minister is another irregularity unprecedented. How will Conte, the Italian press today question, when you need to define the country's position in the G7 summit next weekend in Canada? Why you consult with Di Maio by WhatsApp and Salvini?
A politician, and political change
The first lesson of the lengthy Italian political crisis although it is difficult to know whether actually been closed or not, is that the rules set forth from liberal institutions are limited demonstrating against the political changes that Europeans live. Italy is a parliamentary republic, whose history all governments have been the result of negotiations between parties, usually liberal origin, to achieve majorities stay away from positions of power to the most critical sectors with the system. The republican system as we know it today emerged in Italy with the constitution of 1948. In these 70 years, the country had 65 different governments. A worthy instability of a peripheral failed state, if it were not for the EU's third largest economy and one of the top ten in the world. Evidently,
They have done so for almost 50 years with the Communist Italian, the largest in Western Europe during the Cold War Party, even reaching openly falsify the election results to prevent this from coming to power. But now those who openly criticize these institutions are inexorably most, "the system" must confront them. Some resistance and opposed. When I first came the possibility that Conte came to form a yellow-green government (Lega colors and 5 Stelle), markets plummeted instantly, and major European representatives spared no comments for concern. Then the President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella vetoed the name of Paolo Savona (favorable to leaving Italy Euro economist) as Minister of Economy, and he directed the country towards a technical and temporary government to call new elections. Luigi di Maio was the one who raised the possibility of a government Conte, aware that another round of elections had favored, and much, its cyclical partner Lega. Salvini, under pressure from the bases already tired of the comings and goings of lobby , he agreed. 
And now Italy has the most right - wing government in the last 20 years, with a clear sovereignist vision towards the EU and critical towards free markets. Mass expulsion of undocumented migrants, extending to the carrying of weapons and new law on self - defense, wage unemployment Italian citizens, review of obligations under international treaties, increased border control, tax reform regressive, are just some of the promises that the Di Maio Salvini-duo try tomeet in his first year in office, albeit to consolidate the consensus of voters, amid concerns of large, increasingly weakened European powers. 
Winds of change also in Spain
Changes in the politics of Europe told a few days ago with another great shot. That of the leader of Podemos, Juan Carlos Monedero, clutching the shoulders of the former Vice President of Spain, Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, as he explains how was glad they left the government. A Chicana why the same purse should apologize especially for being a pretty violent image of a man against a woman but has become the emblem of the fears of Spanish power sectors before the fall of government Rajoy in Spain: those who know arrived.
The Popular Party (PP) is perhaps one of the most representative parties of conservatism elite in European states. Deeply monarchic and madridista, businessman and liberal, he has managed to bring together nostalgic of Francoism and Euro-enthusiasts behind a structure that has been done at the local and national authorities. Rajoy emerged as guarantor of liberal and monarchical order in Spain, managing to keep balance the helm even in very difficult times for his government, as the harsh economic crisis, the demonstrations in the Puerta del Sol, the sieges to the palaces of power, 15M and the declaration of independence of Catalonia. But what defined his fall was one of the characteristics of the power structure that helped shape in Spain: corruption.
Beyond the specific case for which the opposition managed to prosper the censure motion against his government, the history of the PP is linked to a complex system of friends, perks and facilities for small and large business sectors and political leaders they have effectively managed to keep some in government and others in business. The Gürtel, Barcenas, Cifuentes and Bankia case are among the best known, of the nearly 200 criminal charges against officials of the PP in Spain that still need to be investigated. That is, everything indicates that these are not isolated cases of bad apples, but a true  modus operandi. A power bloc that with the fall of Rajoy showed that lost the hegemonic consensus within institutions. The problem is: what now?
Pedro Sanchez led the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) to power when nobody had imagined. In the last general elections, the PSOE took the lowest percentage of votes in its history, a failure that seemed to be worn Sanchez's political career and its surroundings. One year before becoming the new head of the Spanish government, Sanchez managed to miraculously win inside his party and keep on driving with the same team that presumably govern Spain at least until municipal and European elections in May 2019. That is, that while coming to power can be explained from the thunderous whack on the right, one can not doubt his ability to build consensus. Sanchez became president backed by a heterogeneous coalition of parties, mostly progressive, and with very different claims. Many of them have to do precisely with the questioning of status quo  in Spain and Europe. 
" Maduristas ETA and independence"
After the vote on the censure motion against Rajoy, the PP spokesman in Congress, Rafael Hernando, accused jaunty Sanchez having achieved his government thanks to "friends of ETA members, friends Maduro and those who want to destroy to Spain". He was referring to the Basque nationalists, the left can and Catalan separatists, who actually voted for the fall of Mariano Rajoy. The PSOE government certainly born from the convergence of these wills against the PP, which also must be transformed into grants for next year in office. For the Basques, the promise not to amend the budget and had agreed with the previous government, favoring infrastructure projects in Euskal Herria, was enough. Govern  in Barcelona are, in principle, other commitments it has taken Sanchez to hold its executive and perhaps also point to that his presidency will last longer than expected. 
However, market instability and fragility that has demonstrated the Spanish economy remains concerned in Brussels. And Sanchez will soon be demonstrated as the new guarantor of European liberal order in Spain, without losing the parliamentary support of the most critical sectors. In a first view, the new Spanish government seems rather a circumstantial compromise between liberal and pro-European -the PSOE- and other sectors more closely linked to more specific social and sectoral demands.
The deficit problem, ie spending cuts needed to meet the goals set by the EU, remains one of the main themes of the Spanish economic agenda and starting point for growing sectors look askance at Paris and Berlin, where recipes which are then applied in different EU countries are prepared. Many of the sectors represented in the heterogeneous coalition government behind Sanchez, more or less openly flirt with alternative proposals to the German austerity prevailing in the EU economic lines, and ask to renegotiate the rules of the game. A requirement that always get consensus across the continent. 
Sovereignism xenophobic or conservative neoliberalism
The coming to power of a coalition of sovereignist clear profile in Italy and the fall of one of the leading soldiers of European policy in Spain I -dato much more significant than the arrival of the PSOE to power-, fall into a very worrying trend for the hegemonic project within the EU, a year of continental choices. Generally speaking, and without being fed by the international press about the implosion of the block alarmism, it is clear that gaining more ground sector asking to renegotiate the criteria and Community rules in favor of domestic interests, more or less legitimate and reduce the effectiveness of EU supranational.
Let us agree, however, that the EU itself has at least three original sins that feed a structural weakness exploited by these movements. The first has to do with that every time that the EU submitted to popular vote important decisions for its institutional life, he has garnered obstacles and rejections.The most important case is that of the European Constitution, negotiated for years and capsized after spocking in referenda in the Netherlands and France. And, despite not have popular support, European agencies managed to continue on their way, approving the Lisbon Treaty in place of the Constitution and avoiding undergo approval rating. brexit. This opened the possibility that other states also demand it special treatment for their particular conditions, increasingly exalted by nationalist movements. And the third great sin which today greatly affects the development of the EU, has to do with having crushed with unusual violence all kinds of alternative lines of neoliberal orthodoxy proposal. The Greek case is particularly representative in this regard. Even many liberal-conservatives were dismayed at the humiliation to which the EU -particularly Germany- submitted the Greek government during the negotiation of its bailout, amid an economic and humanitarian crisis unprecedented on the continent.
To this is added the political matrix of the movements that are joining the ranks of critics towards the EU. If ten years ago they were the social movements of left as Syriza or can those who defended the idea of ​​a social Europe and solidarity against neoliberal Europe Rajoy, Merkel and Renzi are ultra movement conservatives and right now those in the front row against EU policies. The move traditionalist forces, defense of "small payment" and rejection of the multicultural change. But genuine repudiation of elites. Xenophobic, populist, anti-establishment and Eurosceptics have become option power in Poland, Hungary, Austria, Czech Republic and now Italy.Their policy is quite clear: any international organization such as the EU, arises from the voluntary commitment of countries to submit to them, but if national interests no longer coincide with the needs of the international community, each state has the right to prioritize their domestic needs. And sick known and used in the history of international relations to justify all kinds of fechoría- "national interests" body formula, each government understands what he wants. The fight against immigration, debt issuance, border closures, suspension of rights. European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly. but if national interests no longer coincide with the needs of the international community, each state has the right to prioritize their domestic needs. And sick known and used in the history of international relations to justify all kinds of fechoría- "national interests" body formula, each government understands what he wants. The fight against immigration, debt issuance, border closures, suspension of rights.European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly. but if national interests no longer coincide with the needs of the international community, each state has the right to prioritize their domestic needs. And sick known and used in the history of international relations to justify all kinds of fechoría- "national interests" body formula, each government understands what he wants. The fight against immigration, debt issuance, border closures, suspension of rights.European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly. And sick known and used in the history of international relations to justify all kinds of fechoría- "national interests" body formula, each government understands what he wants. The fight against immigration, debt issuance, border closures, suspension of rights. European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly. And sick known and used in the history of international relations to justify all kinds of fechoría- "national interests" body formula, each government understands what he wants. The fight against immigration, debt issuance, border closures, suspension of rights.European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly.European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly.European bureaucrats and elites, inevitably identified in the German government and, to a lesser extent, French, are then blamed for imposing constraints affecting the life of the popular majority. A simple but effective speech clearly.
Despite the election results of 2017, in which the victory of the extreme right in the Netherlands, France and Germany, resentment towards the EU was again expressed in 2018 with the Italian elections and changes in the balance it was avoided politicians in other parts of the continent. One of the main reasons given, surprisingly, the candidate of the Nazi-fascist movement Italian Casapound, Simone Di Stefano, who during the election campaign justified the exponential growth of the members of his party by abandoning the streets by the left . Unions, leftist parties and movements left a huge void in European politics by ignoring the demonstrations, marches, sit-in, Volanteadas, undeniable part of the DNA of the European left movements. And that place has been taken by the extreme right. The Lega planted tens of thousands of tables in the squares throughout Italy in mid-May to subdue the population the government program developed with the M5S. PCI old headquarters are disappearing from Italian neighborhoods to make room for the  Meeting Point  of M5E or, worse, businesses or building speculation. And something similar happens in the rest of the continent.
New governments in Italy and Spain are each in their own way, expression of liberal versus conservative and xenophobic declining and rising conservatism sovereignist. Without a popular, plebeian and social solidarity counterweight it will be very difficult to change the course of European politics, at least in the medium term. 
Source:  https: // ombelico. com.ar/2018/06/03/nuevos- governments-in-italy-and-Spain- in-key-European /

"The European project helps Germany dominate the other countries"

Interview with Manuel Monereo, deputy Unidos Podemos by Cordova 

Lucia Tolosa 
El Salto 

Manuel Monereo (Jaén, 1950) is a rara avis in Spanish politics: knows how to combine courage with prudence, humility with ambition and openness with respect. This lawyer, veteran activist and former leader of IU and PCE, is currently deputy Unidos Podemos in Parliament by the province of Cordoba. Loved and hated in equal parts in the underworld of the left, raises anything but indifference.

Monereo is the history of Spain: he suffered the Franco dictatorship, was imprisoned and tortured, he lived a transition that does not remember as a model stage, and found in politics a school of life. It ensures that much of what he is today, both politically and personally owe it to work period in IU Julio Anguita in front, but maintains a critical stance: "If IU had done his homework, he would not have been necessary we can ".

Congress in his office, where he quoted us, I perceive that Monereo maturity speaks from experience granted, giving the past the importance to be him, and remembering what they have learned to avoid repeating past mistakes. We have a man focused on working to fight this and win the future, pointing to the year 2019. For Monereo, one of the major challenges of our country is to regain lost sovereignty and rebuild the state on democratic bases. That is precisely his latest book: Spain, a project of liberation. In this lucid essay -coescrito with Hector Illueca- political points out the fundamental keys to a constituent project capable of meeting the needs of the social majority.

 He says that we are witnessing a transition period marked by the crisis of neoliberal globalization. What is changing?

Historically there have been transitions where the dominant power changing global capitalism. It is what made the United States after World War II: imposed its rules the whole of capitalism. We are now living a very similar to the previous stage to American dominance stage: we are witnessing a decline of hegemonic power and emerging new great powers such as China. East emerges as a fundamental element, and that has consequences such as loss of US hegemony. America remains the greatest superpower, but it can not impose its order as before: you have to negotiate, you have to talk. This new stage is marked by several traits that show the collapse of neoliberal globalization.

 I think there are four intertwined crises prove it. The first is the crisis of capitalism financialised, which is the natural system crisis. Then there is the geopolitical crisis, which mainly results in a shift of power from West to East. The third is the ecological and social crisis in the world, I see as a big news because previously played the key role played now. It is producing a kind of knot between geopolitical conflict, scarce resources and conflicts. And the last is the crisis of Occidentalism. Is being put into question the dominance that the West has had of the world economy. All this evidence the crisis of neoliberal globalization, both in Europe and beyond.

 Let 's focus on Europe. Why it is so critical to the European project? 
For me, the European Union is a system domain. There is a structural derived from southern countries to become dependent and underdeveloped countries of northern countries. Right now in Europe it is a division of labor between an operator center and a periphery increasingly dependent. 

 Does the introduction of the euro and the development of the single market favor these inequalities?

Completely. Europe has been built as a market, rather than as a state where the iron laws governing the market itself and where there is a redistributive mechanism. The Spanish State has the ability to redistribute income, wealth and power of the richest to the poorest regions. In Europe, it does not exist. The European budget is 1% of GDP. It is 49 times smaller than the Spanish. With this budget, you can not make redistributive policies. So when crises erupt, it happens what we have seen in Greece or Spain: reach a swingeing austerity plans that impoverishes us and dismantle our welfare state. The European project is not maintainable if it makes some people are poorer and richer ones. Sooner or later you will see that this is a project that serves tyrannical for a State,

 What the subordination of the countries of the periphery to the interests of Germany evidence?

All deficits that Spain are in Germany. Case with Greece or Portugal. This has much to do with the division of labor between center and periphery. Germany sells us all, but is not willing to pay anything. Thats the big problem. Catalan example is instructive. Catalonia says that Spain steals, because it pays more than it receives. However, he forgets one thing: the trade deficit that the rest of Spain Catalonia is huge, because Catalonia sells us more than we sell. So there is a redistributive mechanism that makes the difference is compensated by paying more taxes. That is precisely what does Germany, and therefore speak of subordination and dependence of southern countries to Germany.

 If we continue immersed in this system, what can we expect in the future? 

Currently, Spain is not an independent country. He does and says what others decide. We set limits that we abide by . We are a mere peripheral projection advanced economies. In this context, the future is bleak and quite predictable. Spain, like Portugal or Greece, be directed increasingly towards underdevelopment, the more it deteriorates their productive capacity and grow their dependence. If you continue like this , unemployment and job insecurity are the norm, social inequality will grow further and social rights such as education, pensions and healthcare will eventually be unsustainable. As this continues, we will lose more and more values associated with democracy and popular sovereignty will continue to lose.

 What sees the loss of sovereignty of the Spanish state? 

In substantial loss of power because Spain no longer runs a sovereign state. The real power is in the hands of the EU, which has the necessary mechanisms to impose on any State to carry out neoliberal economic policies. All we can do in this European Union is to choose the best way to implement the neoliberal, monitored and under threat of sanctions recipe. The example of Greece is representative. 

 Do you think that Greece is comparable to the Spanish case? What conclusions can we draw from the experience States Syriza?

What happened in Greece showed that peripheral countries have the same problem: they are facing a European Union designed as an obstacle to any political, social and economic change that challenges the neoliberal model. The Greek crisis showed that the EU only serves to Germany and highlighted the limited sovereignty of the southern countries. I followed closely the Greek case, and was there in the referendum. I think in Greece influenced not only economic problems, especially debt payable, but the bad example. He went to harm the Greek people to make it clear that they would not forgive the bad example for Europe would be a small country which debt was compelled to change economic policies across the EU. I remember an old militant of Syriza he said:
I feel that we have not got the real consequences of the Greek case. Greece were to play the game without having plan B, as if Europe had a group of well - meaning people willing to help. We have now two possibilities: a plan A or plan B. We must continue working and researching what it means these two plans. 
 Among those options, does it include the exit from the EU? 

 It is an alternative, return to the nation state. And another is to change Europe. What is absurd is to accept being in a club where only takes into account the interests of the rich and forget the poor.

 It plans to change Europe but paints a scenario where our country is reduced to being a subject dependent country. In that scenario, what real power is Spain to promote an alternative project?
I think a mistake to fall into the defeatist argument that Spain can not do anything. We can no longer abide by the plan of authority that comes from Germany, because that implies living worse, accept that our trade balance deficit is permanently accept back in a matter of social policy and welfare. Many Spaniards accept to be servants of Germany, and they do normalizing the situation. It is not normal that our country is obliged to do or yes neoliberal policies. I rebel against that. There is an increasingly strong contradiction between democracy and capitalism, between liberalism and democracy. When I talk about changing Europe, I mean refound the state on a new basis. That means regulating the economy, ensuring redistributive policies that guarantee social rights,

 It made me remember that from "the old man just died, and the new will never be born." Do you see near the constitutional process posed? 

I do not see no near or far. That will depend on the will of the Spanish people. If Spaniards accept that no more wax than burning and we must accept the dominance of Germany, since obviously there will be constitutional process. So there will be a systematic process destituyente because the alternative to not having alternative is to live getting worse. That's what we're seeing with the case of pensioners: the impoverishment of basic social rights, a setback. 

 Is it a utopia to pretend to shield the rights?

It is not impossible. You can legally do: it is what is called the principle of acquired rights. It's as simple as putting a clause in the Spanish Constitution that says: "Spain will not accept never jeopardize their social status by a policy that is imposed by the European Union". The problem of Spain, the conservative view, or what I call 'trasnochado realism' is that in one way or another we get into their heads that there is no money and, therefore, we are doomed to live worse. That's not true: in Spain, and the world has never been so many rich as now, not so much inequality as now. Privileged minorities are usurping the real power in the country. 

 Does a direct relationship between the rich and the welfare loss?

The problem is that the rich do not pay taxes. 80% of the total tax burden in the country is paid by employees and consumers. In Spain there is money left over, but it is money that is not used to pay taxes, used largely for financial speculation. It happens that the rights of the social majorities touch and not those of the privileged minority. Corruption is the face that allows that, it's a curse. 

 What are the main challenges ahead for Spain?

Highlight the production model. That is the first challenge, because the production model that has been consolidated is based on a service sector where real estate and tourism are the virtuous circle, and the dependent variable of all economic policy is cheap labor. The mistake is to think: "If everything produces Germany, why do I have to produce?". If we think so, we will never meet the challenge, which is the reindustrialization with new technologies and new mechanisms of economic intervention.
I still see an economic policy to propose a plan of industrialization in Spain for the next few years, or to raise an energy transition to be more autonomous and have less dependence on oil and the major powers. On the other hand, there is the problem of social crisis. We must find alternative ending with the precariousness and low wages, which are also favoring a generational crisis. We have a very serious about the future of our youth problem: there are two generations that are already doomed to poor wages and job insecurity. This is dramatic, because nowadays most young people by their parents remain. Overall, Spain has many challenges ahead ... The territorial crisis is another of them.

 Catalonia crisis has highlighted the concept of multi-nationality and homeland. Is Spain plurinational? What is the homeland for Podemos, and why you believe that patriotism is associated with right?

If there is not a plurality of nations or peoples, why is there nationality recognized in the Constitution? We can fight over words, but there is one undeniable fact: Spain has developed national consciousness villages that have built nationalist movements. One of the things that Catalonia teaches us is that over the independence autonomismo creates an existential crisis in citizenship. And that crisis causes thousands of women and men who so far had not experienced difficulties with its being Catalan and Spanish, react turning to Spanish nationalism, which represents better than anyone citizens. We have never identified nationalism with patriotism. We can try to create a speech homeland identity. What happens is that a large portion of patriotic imagery is colonized by Franco and right, and on the other hand, a part of the left believes that the real fight is against the Spanish nationalism. In this clip, there is little room for those who still believe that Spain exists and need to build a common project from a traditional point of view on the left. That means understanding that the national question must be linked to the social question. The current government, right, uses the national question for orillar social problems. there is little room for those who still believe that Spain exists and need to build a common project from a traditional point of view on the left. That means understanding that the national question must be linked to the social question. The current government, right, uses the national question for orillar social problems. there is little room for those who still believe that Spain exists and need to build a common project from a traditional point of view on the left. That means understanding that the national question must be linked to the social question. The current government, right, uses the national question for orillar social problems.

 To change things, or at least try, you have access to power. It stays right on it. What about the left in Spain? 

 I left to see her splendid Spanish. 
 You are very positive.

 And I have reason to be. We are the only country where a left as a force that can aspire to more than 15% of the vote there. Together we can, with 18.19% of votes, is the most powerful left Europe. In Spain there is a peculiarity: here grows the left, while in the other countries. The proliferation of rights in Europe is undeniable. To us 15M vaccinated us from any temptation to extreme right and gave us the possibility of a new road around leftist Podemos. So I think that the first thing to recognize is that, despite having serious problems, we are still an impressive electoral force. When I pass by the parliamentary group and I see with my 73 deputies I feel very proud and satisfied.

I understand that is comforting, but it is still insufficient. What We Can States lacks self - criticism? 

I think sometimes self - critical functions like confessionals, as if the realizáramos to absolve our sins. The key is the examination of conscience and purpose of amendment. In my view, the problem is not a lack of self - criticism, but I do not see that there is sufficient purpose of amendment. 

 What mistakes believed to have committed his party, and what challenges lie ahead believes that?

For starters, we have not been able to present a solvent country project. Still without a project able to explain the model of country we want. That is something we must solve as soon as possible. The second issue is the political subject. States can still pure and simply an electoral alliance of the worst possible kind: parliamentary. I live in Córdoba half of the week, and that States can practically nonexistent. What I mean by that is we will not be creditworthy, or we will be perceived as a left government willing if we have an organizational structure of higher quality. And that can not only be to have unity of action, but by a program and a common direction. Furthermore, I would emphasize that we have failed to build a pole of social mobilization. As a political force, we run the risk of being too stuck in the institutions. I think we are making efforts, but there is still much room for improvement. All these challenges we must solve them as soon as possible, because if we do not we may take a toll not only a bad election result but with very serious political problems for the future.

 When she asked how he saw before the Spanish left, not only can I meant States. Have you narrowed the margin of understanding with the PSOE? Is there a war for hegemony of the left? 

That would be the worst scenario. 
 I gather you think is not the present.
It may be that, but it would be the worst because it hurts the whole workers and social majorities. It must be from one essential fact: bipartisanship is over. What we have now is a four-legged table, and what will change is the composition of that table. The PSOE and United We should seek mechanisms of convergence and unity, because the absurdity is to enter a war to occupy a space left that runs the risk of getting smaller, facing an emboldened right. The battle we will win or lose against the right. We must make an effort to find a climate of collaboration, because in many issues we bring to Congress that climate exists.

 You speak of a climate of collaboration, but citizens see that not even agree on the reform of the Electoral Act. 

What I say is that we can not reduce the problem of Spain to a war between Pedro Sanchez and Pablo Iglesias, because that cover what is really important: the country, people, social rights, pensions. You have to work to build an alternative to the right, the PP and citizens. That's what we're trying modestly and what does not feel that the PSOE is there. 

 What reasons do you have that impression?

 So far, what we see is that the PSOE won its congress defending a policy that has not been able to maintain. It is a party that still does not answer basic questions. What does the PSOE with United We Can? Want to go to a common program, you want to go to temporary governments? You want to take points can, to say the next Congress who have won because we have lost? The PSOE Pedro Sanchez is crossing a river without deciding to cross it , or become. 

 Tell me about your relationship with IU. Does the confluence for the next elections will be maintained?

I have no doubt it will save any cost. The unit is a very complicated process, and there is much self - restraint both IU and Podemos. Both criticize and disagree, but reasonable and formal as two people who know that, but we must rethink the unit, there is no alternative to it. I think we should be at the height of the times that we live. You have to work to beat the right. 
In Spain, as in Europe, mostly wins the right. Why do you think they have proliferated both right - wing populists?

I relate directly to European construction itself. What is disappearing is social democracy in Europe. Right responds to the concerns of people, even if your answer is disastrous. Who stands as a defender of thousands of impoverished workers in France? Marine Le Pen. Who defends the thousands of entrepreneurs with no future in northern Italy? Northern League. In Europe what is missing is a national-popular democratic, understandable for people alternative and to tell the social majorities "we will defend you and will harm the rich and powerful". And that we do not lose. In fact, the triumph of the right has a lot to do with an ontological desire for security. People desperately seeking security, and vote accordingly.

 The insecurity is accompanied by fear. Why do you think that influences fear in the vote? 

As Ortega said, "We are in crisis and our state is the crisis itself." Before, democracy meant living better. Today democracy, we live worse. Wages do not give to live charged, put in question took for rights acquired, such as pensions, and generally recedes into question of social rights. Amidst such a scenario, people are looking for stability. And what offers more security? Speech rights. The fatherland, order and identity. 

 I could not end the interview without asking for a necessary item that appears in his book. What do you think of feminism?

The feminist movement is the great hope of the XXI century. Some call reaction, I think it's not only that, it is also a project. I confess that the most interesting things I read lately come from feminist literature. It can say that feminism has managed to build a view for most, starting from a half. I am convinced that feminism is next to environmentalism and Marxism, one of the three sources of a new paradigm that is emerging. 

Source: http://www.elsaltodiario.com/nueva-revolucion/el-proyecto-europeo-es-un-sistema-tiranico-que-contribuye-a-que-alemania-domine-al-resto-de-paises -

Letter from a son of emigrants to Catalonia

I am an unknown citizen who wuiere express their opinion on the issue of the independence of Catalonia and can affect all of Europe. 

To find out why the independence of Catalunya in Spain have to go to the beginning of the conflict. 

1711 
Catalonia was protected by the monarchy autrohungara maintaining their privileges similar fund which is currently enjoying the Basque country society. 

Felipe V made a pact with his cousin Louis XIV sharing Catalonia coming to cross the Pyrenees to the Riviera. 
Felipe V did recular the fuerzascstslanas until they had to seek help from France, Louis XIV helping negotiate the counts thus losing the war the Catalan counts against the Kingdom of Castile.

In 1715 by King specific laws against Catalonia, DECREE first floor is his name, it dictaminava that NO CATALÁN CAN USE YOUR LANGUAGE TO AFFORD THE WAR DUS PRODUCTS LOSE was issued a 20% PAY 25% MORE THAN EK REST OF THE KINGDOM deleted LEVY privileges. 

YEAR 2006 
The Government of Catalonia, which has been operating since 1979 without interruption firm proposes a reform of its statute which is owned Porlamar most Catalans and immigrants who came between 1950-1960.

The PP (Popular Party, currently in government) collects signatures to prevent the reform, the reform advocate a bilateral relationship between Catalonia and Spain, going off the ' one size fits all' motif which 10 of the 17 autonomous regions are Catalonia financed without money (16.000 million euros, expoliados) could not survive alone.

Years 2014-2017 
Catalonia announces a referendum in November to decide the Catalans their future inside or outside Spain, the government of the Spanish state, remember that it is governed by the same PP that mobilized millions of people, applied a law It allows you to do what you want intervening the Generalitat and putting innocent people to prison on charges of sedition, just put the polls and to make a democratic act.

REMINDER 
on April 4, 1977 the head of state Juan Carlos I signed the accession of Spain to the Court of Human Rights of the UN through UNESCO it recognize the right of self - determination of peoples and not pick up its constitution approved in December 6, 1978, therefore rs constitution is not legal. This law human rights  UNESCO in its Article One says that a people can enforce their self - determination provided certain conditions are met. 

- Having a different language (Catalunya fulfills it , language is Catalan) 

- Have a different culture(while culture in Spain are bulls, football and oanderetas, in Catalonia there castellers, human towers, architects, famous artists, musicians, inventors) Catalonia meets that condition. 

- Have been abused (now we just watch the news, politicians fled for fear of being arrested, political prisoners, dispossession of 18,000 million euros, under Article 155 intervention of autonomy, threats to family, false accusations ...) if that is not abuse ... 

CONSEQUENCES iN EUROPE 

If Catalonia separates from Spain will cause a ripple effect across Europe in 40 regions in countries such as France, Germany, Belgium, Italy ...This would make these countries lose their richest regions and those who govern now perdiesen control and steal as does Spain. 

The ECB, EU, USA it was in self - interest, aneconomic one, another soldier, and another for fear of contagion. 

I do not know the people on the street is that what is at stake is not the independence of Catalonia, but democracy in Europe, the Spanish pensioners seeing what comes out on the street every Monday throughout Spain, the fall of PP government is a matter of days and return to democracy is a matter of time

I hope that Europeans take note and mobilized before it is too late.