M. Rajoy does not live in reality, but in an accounting note of box B. But reality lives in Rajoy. He makes reality. Our income, our expenses, pensions, expectations, our vacations, our homes, the electricity bill and even our tweets. Reality is that set of vagueness, peeled commonplaces, viscous silences, crooked intentions, threats, more threats, platitudes, lies in which the appearances of this forum scourge usually consist. It does not matter because the reality, in short, is what he wants to be "by virtue of 155", a rule that does not allow you to do anything of what you have done, but allows you to do what you give the win. Thus, after consulting with his ally, Rivera, Rajoy warns that "the law will not allow new ruptures." And by law the 155 will be understood that, when suspending the Constitution, it suspends all law except that which emanates from the will of the one who applies it, that is, from the dictator.
A situation for which the opposition is directly responsible. PSOE, Podemos, PNV and Catalan independents have in their hands put an end to this maelstrom that is devouring democracy and the rule of law in Spain. Some more than others, true. All agree and submit a motion of censure to end the outrages. It is unlikely, given the position of the PSOE, favorable to 155, even above the majority will of the Catalan electorate. Each one is responsible for what he thinks, as M. Rajoy would say.
This situation was already advanced by Albiol, today at the head of a quartet of wind in the Parlament for which however the majority party speaks in the rest of the country. The president of this party, an organization very badly seen by the judges and the citizens whom he has fleeced, denies that he can be president of the Generalitat abroad and to Urkullu the idea seems "absurd" to him. There will come a time when these things are possible for the benefit of all but, for now, the solution is very simple: lift the 155, exonerate the way you want to the incarcerated and exiles, let the Parliament be legally constituted and loyally acknowledge the governor from that Parlament. The question of whether or not that government skips the law can not be prejudged. He should be the one who decides, warned, besides, as he is already with a harsh gesture, that if he is outside the law, from the law of 155, he will fall a new 155, or the same as the previous one.
This is the expected scenario. The 155 is still functioning and creating an unprecedented situation of institutional crisis in Catalonia. The independents will see if they accept the call of Rajoy to constitute the Parliament with candidates elected in exile or in jail and in conditions of absolute legal uncertainty. We still do not know exactly what political rights are cut or denied to pre-trial prisoners, for what reason and who makes the decision. They have several options that range from refusing to accept the call for considering it a blackmail, to accepting it by constituting the Parlament and later govern with substitutes in the lists. But the latter, about being practically unviable, is useless because it does not solve the real problem of reality (not of Rajoy's magmatic reality) that are political prisoners and exiles.
In no state of law can there be political prisoners, prisoners of conscience.
A conflict like the one of the Catalan Republic is a political question of constitutional rank that has to be treated through negotiations and agreements if necessary structural that are demanded by the will of almost 50% of the electorate and more than two million people, not by four conspirators of the millennium. But it can also be seen, and this is how the government and the judges see it, as a matter of public order promoted by agitators in front of mobs and raised the judicial tone (which is not necessarily legal) as one of the crime of sedition, rebellion, of treason. When this point is reached, justice becomes an inquisition and citizens are judged and condemned for their convictions.
It is not to be proud.
There is no more to withdraw the 155, stop the police and judicial repression and offer a referendum agreed that we would see if the independents would accept after having held two reais (9N 2014, 1/10 2017) and two on the other side of the mirror (27S 2015 , 21D 2017). If they did not accept, the conflict would surely fester.
If they accept we would find that in Spain they have cost three more or less referendum consultations as well as a thousand wounded, damages, strikes, aggressions, exiles, fines, prisons to get what the Scots got after a brief negotiation with the British government.
Now make a brief calculation of efficiency and apply to the confused triumphalism of the president, who closes a year without talking about corruption when he should only be left to impute in the Gürtel.
Ramón Cotarelo
