Transcription enlarged intervention on September 17 in Sant Feliu Baix Llobregat

Extended transcript of the statement made on 17 September in Sant Feliu Llobregat Baix organized by the Popular Candidacy d'Unitat (CUP), which also intervened Mireia Vehí, deputy in the Parliament by the CUP-CC. Ending transcription have been 14 arrests of people accused of being Democrats, dozens of searches and seizures of documents and propaganda.


Classmates, colleagues, a flood of threats, prohibitions, registrations and cancellations of rights and freedoms is falling on the people of Catalunya. Last September 11, the National Day held at the crowded Fossar les Moreres, we said that we must prepare to resist repression against the Catalan people harden. Now, a week later, in the public square it crowded also reiterate our unconditional support, our solidarity and our commitment to freedom of Principat and Països Catalans. 

Until September 17 the State has used low pressure flamethrower Article 155 of the monarchical constitution, but has hesitated to put him maximum pressure because I do not kneel to the Spanish national identity document in the mouth.

It has also awakened from his placid drowsiness intellectual flock that grazes in the manger of subsidies and the political and cultural industry, so that, in chorus, lash out against your rights, which are all. As we said in the National Day, the steamroller and state crusher which we spoke in the Fossar are being activated to its fullest. 

However, for reasons too numerous to explain now, many people of good faith believed that progress to democracy, sovereignty and perhaps independence, it would be fairly quiet, no problems, because in the end the Spanish State would accept the will Catalan peacefully expressed.

And keep in mind that now speak of "democracy" and "sovereignty" in the abstract, to say nothing of its contents and essence of nationally oppressed working people, of women undergoing triple exploitation of impoverished youth and popular precarized, etc. because estaros sure that the violence of the State will strike even the most hidden corners of this working Catalunya as the independence to develop its socialist content, and will hit the strong support of indigenous anti-independence bourgeois and reactionary to the core.

Taking all this into account, we can not let this great act of mass to reflect publicly on the lessons of history especially valid for the current Catalan. We see two different but identical Basque processes, and therefore it can illuminate each in their own way this Catalan. 

We see the repression of the peaceful process of masses autoorganizó to recover Basque liberties in the summer of 1934 under the repression of the Second Republic, and then see the so- called Ibarretxe Plan early twenty - first century is registered as a sectarian maneuver and to take opportunistic partisan slice in the repressive hurricane launched by the PP against Euskal Herria since 1997.

The Second Republic did nothing to facilitate dialogue with the parties and Basque institutions to restore the rights of the country, on the contrary, for example, in 1932 a young donostiarra was sentenced to 21 years in prison for speaking the Basque language in court. Worse, in 1934 the Ministry of Finance tried to tax the country contrary to the legality of the Economic Agreement.

In addition, the Second Republic continued to maintain the temporariness of provincial election despite rounds were held. Forces, organizations and Basque parties had proven again that three years of republican democracy were tightening repressions. There is a disturbing similarity between the coercive background checks of the Second Republic on Councils and the Economic Agreement and the current Art. 155 applied against Catalunya.

Faced with these increasingly serious assaults, 200 municipalities of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, representing 823,216 of the 881,000 inhabitants of the three territories, organized themselves in Interim Commission and July 5, 1934 decided to hold elections on August 12 for then solve the two crucial problems: the interim imposed by the State annulling de facto sovereignty of Basque Councils, and show the defense of the Economic Agreement. 

The Second Republic was declared illegal elections on August 12 and launched all their material and cultural repressive forces. On August 6, the Interim Commission reaffirmed hold elections on 12 despite the military occupation of the country.

The Spanish armed forces entered the town hall, arrested more than sixty mayors and councilors many. The popular response was to organize elections in the street, premises or elsewhere. In Bizkaia there were 115 municipalities and 100 electoral records already made, so that the mayor of Bilbao ridiculed in a statement version Civil Governor of Bizkaia who claimed that the elections had been a failure rose. 

On August 21 the Interim Commission published all results, demonstrating the resounding victory despite the relentless military occupation. The Commission of Mayors Nafarroa was unable to meet in the city of Lizarra for being occupied by the Civil Guard, hiding in the bush to launch a manifesto of protest and support people 's rights.

The Interim Committee was transformed into Municipal Standing Committee of the Basque Country, to advance the twin goals seen above. The Spanish repression became obsessed with stopping the Standing Committee had to operate underground because their members were arrested and taken to prisons, including Burgos. 

The Second Republic could not tolerate the Basque municipal democracy. The Standing Committee demonstrated the effectiveness of their security methods mass and power when he called a meeting for Sept. 2 in Zumarraga in which the Commissions elected last August 12 was oficializarían.

The Assembly of Zumarraga was banned, but said that the Standing Committee would take place anyway. There was some attempt to negotiate with the repressive forces to avoid greater evils, and even a ruse of concessions from the state in return for its suspension. 

But in the meantime he had hardened the attack on the Economic Agreement with twelve laws and decrees in force contrary to the concert, showing that Spain continued attacking liberties. The Second Republic was applying quietly Art. 155 avant la lettre which irritated even the people who had not accepted a reversal of the Standing Committee, the Assembly desconvocando Zumarraga.

The city was besieged, roads, railways and roads leading to Zumarraga were cut by the armed forces. He stopped people in as far as Bilbao stations. But many people raffled controls and the Assembly was held amid a climate of tension by the menacing presence of repressive forces, however, they did not attack. Zumarraga Catalunya attended by a delegation of international solidarity that took the same risks as the Basques.

The repression did not stop after the Assembly, but hardened on four aspects: one, multiple bans acts; two government warning that "If the people rises Force has orders to shoot parliamentarians, not against the people"; Three arrests of leaders, mayors and councilors who were transferred in four trucks to the prison in Burgos; and four, the killing of another leader of the PNV, Manuel de Andrés, by terrorists of the Falange. 

In the summer of 1934 the Second Republic pins pressed his doctrine and repressive system against Euskal Herria, integrating tactics, methods and resources, including changing strategy when necessary to achieve the same objectives. It was less than two years for the Francoist uprising.

While the conspirators organized the impending slaughter hardly be bothered by the Government beginning to have enough information, he lambasted classes and exploited peoples: crushed gunshots the October Revolution of 1934. Earlier, in 1933, the Second Republic he had massacred the village of Casas Viejas Cadiz. 

Since 1997 the repression took another leap in the process of bans on the nationalist left, lunging since 2003 against electoral organizations, contrary to what always was known as Herri Batasuna, and then had to look for other "legal exemptions" to continue making institutional policy .

It was in this context of destruction of rights initiated manifestly with the closing of the newspaper Egin in 1998 and in 2003 the newspaper Egunkaria, fulfilling the plan "Everything is ETA" designed by Baltasar Garzón, when the then dominant faction in the PNV and Ibarretxe tried to complete a plan to reform the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Autonomous Community with three objectives: 

One, the PNV believed that leftwing nationalism was diluted after years of persecution and could keep many of their votes exhausted or disappointed if they decoy promised a new statute, more full of content.

Two adapt the Statute to the new needs of a relatively industrialized economy with medium - tech and medium labor productivity in state capitalism that had opted to make the creative industry value to tourism, brick and services, the underground economy , corruption and so on . 

And three, close forever the hope and awareness of broad popular sectors that independence was the only way out, it was a necessity, abandoning the 'outdated' claim and rejecting any possibility of a referendum by the Statute and a "new foralismo" permanent solution.

In the elections of May 2001 , the PNV-EA alliance achieved 604,222 votes, 580,128 españolista alliance, and the nationalist left only 143,139. The bourgeoisie believed that forcing the statutory promises end up bleeding to the nationalist left and could attract youth sectors doubters between the Basque Statute and monarchical constitution. 

The election results suggest so. The PNV did not waste time and Ibarretxe Plan was announced in Parliament in September of that year, appearing in October 2003 and be approved by an absolute majority in December 2004. A kind of fruit of paradise slowly squeezed to extract more juice.

In January 2005, the Plan was taken to the Spanish Parliament rejected it with 313 votes against, including Izquierda Unida, 29 in favor and 2 abstentions, the ICV. The arguments of those who "brushed" in Madrid the project of the Basque Parliament advanced the same thesis that those who now deny the democratic legitimacy of Catalan referendum on Oct. 1: ruining the economy, "break Spain" drives the more radical separatism, it is unilateral because it does not respect the Spanish democracy is senior, split into two to society nullifying the rights of the majority is not independence, breaking with the European Union, and so on.

The Ibarretxe Plan was abandoned unceremoniously shortly by the autonomist bourgeoisie seeing his double failure and its relative victory despite everything, leftwing nationalism did not collapse, and also the Spanish State not only sank the Plan, but warned that would impose strong economic and political punishments if the PNV not backed down. 

State intransigence reached the level of threatening prosecution in 2006 of Ibarretxe and two leaders of the PSOE, Lopez and Ares, for meetings with members of the Basque nationalist left. The victory on independence was that the claim was finally erased from the consciousness of most of the party's base, but not the basis of the nationalist left.

There was a rough fighting in the PNV reflecting changes in the Basque bourgeoisie which in turn reflected the financialization of global capitalism and the permanent hardness of Spanish nationalism. 

For the past few years and as part of the rise of finance capital within the dome of the PNV had been rising, more in line with neoliberalism, more opportunistic and cynical faction represented by Imaz who came to the party presidency in January 2004, Ibarretxe who stripped and sent Arzallus the altar of useless idols. By then, more and more sectors of the middle and petty bourgeoisie who had opted for EA and back again raised the PNV, as demonstrated in each electoral process.

The bourgeoisie gave the kick to the Ibarretxe Plan imploring the Spanish protection in addition to economic services which gives the state, also because it protected him from the force of the Basque trade unionism, its growing anchorage in the working people, by the relentless weakening of trade unionism reformist and españolista. 

Apart from the electoral ups and downs and overcome one by one all the savage repressions, working people, ie, the independence movement with national proletarian class consciousness, resisted the strategy of de - industrialization, settlement of the "culture of iron" that had It has been its oxygen from the late nineteenth century.

Now not detail the planned destruction of the objective and subjective bases of the working people of the phase of the second and third industrial revolution and its effects on national class struggle, including the strategic shift of part of the nationalist left. 

Industrial dismantling implemented since late '70 obeying orders of imperialism did not get in early XXI century definitively settle the workers ' and popular consciousness. The big bourgeoisie more than a century he was Spanish, and the median and the bulk of the petty bourgeoisie understood that the abandonment of the Ibarretxe Plan was beneficial to them.

You and you know better than I how will the class struggle in Catalonia, the struggle of women, the precariat, the and still fixed wage, force submerged and migrant labor, youth without a future, the and the unemployed, the "third age", etc.

How and why has broken the CiU extinct, why the autonomist and CiU order sector has been holding short to the Puigdemont sector. Why this sector formed more by the median and above all petty bourgeoisie has not been folded Spain as it did most of the same class fractions in Euskal Herria, who have been leaving EA to return to the PNV. Or put another way, why Puigdemont directs a force that keeps his dignity and conscience and why the PNV still protecting themselves behind the State in which even part in some of its bureaucratic structures.

The answer is to know the differences between the Basque and Catalan capitalism, their histories of class struggles and consequently the maneuvers and different tactics applied by the State against each of our nations. Recall, for example, that the State aired a small part of the corruption of CiU, limiting the clan Pujol, and for now shut almost everything he knows about corruption in the party that dominates Euskal Herria, on the PP and UPN Nafarroa, and on the PNV and PSOE in the CAV. Why wait? Save those and other assets for when you need them.

However, the differences disappear when we reached the bottom of the problem: the benefits extracted with national oppression of peoples explain that, as we saw in 1934, 2005 and 2017, the same repressive measures that go beyond Art is essentially aplicasen . 155 as they want us to believe the reformers to clean up their image.

One is the negation of Catalunya and Euskal Herria as political subjects endowed inalienable right to govern themselves, to deny that nations are able to govern ourselves. Infantilizarnos deny us our identity, make us dependent on a superior, alien, inaccessible power that controls our present and future, our history dictates that protects us and punish us with "fatherly love". Philip VI's speeches are an example. 

We have seen very quickly one of the unsolvable crisis that rots to Spain: the structural weakness of the nation-state as material and symbolic space of extended cumulation able to integrate the oppressed peoples.

We do not extend to other forms of this internal failure, such as open or buried into the cultures and languages of the oppressed peoples contempt, the systematic violation of the agreements signed with the 'regional' bourgeoisies, the strengthening of national Catholicism and power of the Tridentine Church, the nationalist essence of the political and media industry Spanish ... 

another three crisis. It is a fundamental and techno - scientific and labor productivity backwardness. In the medium and long term labor productivity is the key to the socioeconomic and cultural development. In Europe, only Greece, Moldova and Serbia are more backward than Spain in labor productivity and techno - scientific training company.

The worst is that the gap widens over time and the only way he knows block dominant classes in the state is to increase labor exploitation, reduce wages, liquidate the public and social spending, violating international agreements binding non - productive investments, etc., to compensate for the acute and permanent decline in R & D + i, science and education. 

Another and closely related to the above is the leaden weight of corruption, the underground economy, illegal money, dirty coarse sand that seals the socioeconomic gear because it is inherent to the bureaucratic apathy, administrative inefficiency and patronage conchabeo.

The Ibex-35 have tripled the diversion of capital tax havens during the crisis, now having 1,285 affiliates. We have the mass of dirty money, corrupt economy, tax fraud in all its forms, moving beyond any control. A recent report estimates this mass in 17.2% of GDP while others extend it some more points on what criteria are used.

Another study indicates that very few españolísimas large families and jingoistic of "Santiago and closes Spain» evade the 12% of GDP. We state inefficiency in overcoming the financial crisis, which has led to a loss of at least 40,000 million euros, while Germany, Britain and France have been much faster, efficient and saving, not least because banking Spanish is rotten but all-powerful, is untouchable ruling class block.

Finally, we have the Spanish "custom" to prefer repression to reform the stick to the carrot for solving any serious problems. The Assembly of Zumarraga and the Ibarretxe Plan confirm again: even when it comes to crush peaceful demonstrations, which only act in institutional areas and which make the mass mobilizations that peace institutionalism. Now the case with the repression of Catalunya which is under a state of emergency, canceled their rights and waiting for new repressive blows.

We must be aware that, at this irreversible level since Oct. 2 will begin a new stage in this long struggle. If so far we have fought side by side, we will do from October 2 onwards. And I conclude with what we said in the Fossar: Kneel nobody here. 

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