11/20/2017 Manolo Monereo eldiario.es
Crises reveal reality or at least make it more complex, more polysemic. At this point we know two things; rather, they are to clarify two things that were previously ignored or wished to ignore. Now it is no longer possible. The first is obvious: that the nation or Spanish nationality exists; and second, that the independence movement mobilized, bold, strong, still a minority in Catalonia.
I would not get much in philological debates. There is a strong, diverse, diffuse identity of people who consider themselves Spanish. It makes a lay way, and knowing inclusive of a plurality of human beings. What I mean is that the Spanish nationalism is a minority. So much so, that to seek hegemony has to camouflage themselves in the national-constitutionalism and inevitably incorporate the PSOE. It is true that there may be many Spanish citizens who are unknowingly nationalists; but in any case, minority. I say this in a straightforward manner to avoid misunderstandings: the Spanish identity, in its various degrees and motivations does not mean the majority presence of an exclusionary and authoritarian nationalism.
Some said from the start with unequal luck, it's true. The passage of Catalan nationalism independence would generate, sooner or later, the presence of a minority of large dimensions and even españolista Spanish. The plurality of cultures existing in Catalonia has coexisted on a regional framework because nobody would be subjected to choose between Catalonia and Spain. This was a leap with consequences because Catalans who feel Spaniards normally and naturally are endangered not only their identity but begin to dramatically live a "Spanish post condition" that makes them strangers in their own land, by the incidentally, many have built with their own hands in exploitative conditions and paradoxes of life, defending the national rights of Catalonia.
Reality has shown more things that should not be forgotten now that we are already on the campaign trail. The last Catalan regional elections the independence movement raised as a plebiscite. They did not win, rather, had parliamentary majority but did not get the majority of the electorate. The major parties had several possibilities and chose a particularly risky: to break with the statutory legality and initiate a process of secession. I must say that they have managed to mobilize a significant part of Catalonia and that this mobilization has been sustained over time in a very thought dialectic of action / reaction that has placed the Spanish government on a stage with many difficulties.
The strategic calculation has been made explicit time. The starting point was, in principle, powerful: control of state institutions in Catalonia, specifically, officials and Mossos what had to add a decisive influence on public media. The puyolista regime created a "web" between political, economic and communicational powers only in the final phase, it has entered into crisis. -is this good insist on it-with a very significant mobilization (hundreds of thousands) found in the independence of Catalunya cross and liberating "concrete utopia".
I not think it's safe to say that in the strategic calculations of core independence leader was, first, the idea that the European Union (confuse the European Union with Europe is always risky) would be neutral or could even support the independence process. I imagine that something would know and they should have some information that the rest of us did not know. A second element would suggest that the independence movement glimpsed, he thought that the Spanish State would not have enough to block or impede the process force. There would be a third element that we do not know at this point if I was taken into account when the process began. I mean the government's ability to build a broad parliamentary majority structured around means almost unanimous support communication and,
Mariano Rajoy's strategy has been, in many ways, intelligent. The "maneuver warfare" waged by the government of the Generalitat has responded with a "strategy of attrition" which has not only left him the initiative to the adversary, but has allowed him to gain time, gather strength and make evident the contradictions of contrary. Rajoy played strong from the start. The first was to win the support of the American friend, today especially complicated by the figure of Donald Trump. Then knit agreements with the European Union, their governments and institutions , and beyond, to neutralize an international campaign especially effective Catalan government.
Rajoy left to do, allowed them to advance favoring the pro-independence government was increasingly bold breaking ties with a part of the Catalan population, with all its contradictions emerge. The hypothesis of a plebeian direction of process that would confirm the autonomy movement in Catalonia, the end has not given much of himself. When President Puigdemont, at the last minute, tried to negotiate a way out that would prevent the implementation of 155, it was too late. Rajoy realized he had won the game and was able to give or not and leave the president of the Generalitat final decision. The proclamation of the supposed independence proclamation should qualify / fiasco. The rout was general and we already filled in an election campaign that, in my opinion, can produce significant surprises. The imprisonment of the government of Catalonia and the international warrant the rest, was the beginning of a repression that is being applied with a calculated gradualism. There is even talk that there will be no prisoners on election day.
I think you can say that the struggle against repression has pushed back a movement that had lost its way and lacked a strong political leadership. We are now in the "sauve qui peut" electoral and from there, reorganizing forces and reformulate a strategy that has shown enormous needs. Everything suggests that the elections on December 21 will be especially complicated. Surveys speak of a very similar to the previous electoral map, no big news. I have the impression that there may be surprises and that we find a different Catalan parliament and more heterogeneous composition. The important thing, in my opinion, is coming. Call Catalan crisis is also that of Spain as a country and state.
You can circumvent and even ignore, but the crisis of the regime of 78 remains open; It could qualify by saying that the restoration has advanced and that the forces of democratic breakdown have lost influence, have divided and have difficulties in defining a project of society, government and different state. I end as I began:
The problem is Spain; Catalunya is cause and effect. To forget this is to deceive and mislead.Federal, sooner or later, will issue, not as a substitute or an umpteenth political-institutional transformismo but as a project to change the type of state and its relations with society. Also it come the social question with all its implications and most importantly, sooner rather than later, emerge the mother of all debates: the need for a constitutional process to activate the sovereign of our Constitution, the people.
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