Tardà insinua que ERC estaria disposada a renunciar a Mas
El número 2 a Madrid, Joan Tardà, diu a la CUP i CDC que ERC està diposada a "signar qualsevol xec en blanc"
Després de preguntar-li què significa un xec en blanc, ha respost que vol dir estar disposat a tot, i al repreguntar-li si això pot implicar fins i tot renunciar a la reelecció d'Artur Mas, ha dit: "A tot vol dir a tot". Tardà ha reiterat que, estant tan a prop i depenent només dels independentistes, seria un delicte d'alta traïció i un frau a la voluntat popular no arribar a un acord.
Fitch rebaja dos escalones el rating de Cataluña y lo coloca en 'bono basura'
E. M.
Jueves, 12 de noviembre del 2015 - 20:57
[ 0 ]
Incide en que este 'rating' mínimo también dependía de una "relación de cooperación" entre las comunidades y el Gobierno, algo que no ocurre en Cataluña por los acontecimientos recientes.
"Sean cuales sean las medidas que el Gobierno central adopte, es probable que se traduzca en más tensiones entre los dos gobiernos y en una posible perturbación civil en la región", subraya.
Mas afirma que Catalunya debe formar parte de la UE "sea cual sea" el resultado del 27S
La agencia de calificación crediticia Fitch Ratings rebajó hoy en dos escalones el rating de Cataluña, desde BBB- a BB con perspectivanegativa, lo que lo coloca en la categoría de bono basura debido a laresolución independentista aprobada este lunes en el Parlament catalán.
Fitch, que con esta decisión da por concluido su proceso de revisión de la nota de Cataluña para una posible rebaja, decidió retirar el rating mínimo de 'BBB-' que otorgaba a todas las comunidades autónomas al beneficiarse de las medidas de apoyo de liquidez del Gobierno central.
La agencia incide en que este rating mínimo también dependía de una "relación de cooperación" entre las comunidades autónomas y el Gobierno, algo que no ocurre ahora en Cataluña debido a los acontecimientos recientes. "El rating de Cataluña refleja ahora su perfil crediticio intrínseco", añade.
Fitch señala que el Gobierno central tiene "amplios poderes" para intervenir en la cuestión catalana, lo que incluye la retención de la financiación ordinaria y el apoyo extraordinario de liquidez y la suspensión de la autonomía regional en virtud del artículo 155 de la Constitución Española y el control directo por parte del Gobierno central.
"Sean cuales sean las medidas que el Gobierno central decida adoptar, es probable que se traduzca en unas mayores tensiones entre los dos gobiernos y en una posible perturbación civil en la región", subraya.
NOTA DEL AUTOR:
FITCH solo mira sus propios intereses y el de sus clientes.
Catalunya tiene una rebaja de dos puntos porque, primero no tiene banco central,
segundo, interesa que Catalunya no abandone España porque Francia, Alemania (que tienen entre los dos 1/3 del total de la deuda española) pueden verse salpicada por el impago del gobierno español.
La forma de presión de estos dos paises es presionar a Catalunya con una bajada de rating para que no se independice. y provoque un caos.
Image copyrightReutersImage captionArtur Mas (centre) is spearheading the Catalan bid for independence
Is it really possible that part of a Western European country could break away, without a legally recognised referendum or the consent of that country's government?
Regarding Catalonia, most commentators and politicians in Madrid never thought the answer to that question could be yes.
And by refusing to even entertain the idea of a referendum, the Spanish government believed the pro-independence camp in Catalonia would have nowhere to turn.
However, Catalan nationalists have forced the issue.
A year ago they held their own unofficial (in the eyes of Madrid) referendum. They scored 80% in favour of independence, but turnout was low as many boycotted the vote.
Then in September they held a regional election and painted it as a Yes/No vote on independence.
The nationalists failed to get 50% of the vote. And only with the support of a far-left pro-independence party did the main coalition, Together for Yes, get past the 50% threshold of seats in the Catalan parliament.
But that didn't stop them. A majority of seats for pro-independence parties was enough for them to claim a "mandate" and push on with their project to create a new state.
For years Catalan nationalists have been warning me that without a referendum they would still proceed.
In September 2012 I was on the streets of Barcelona amid a sea of red- and yellow-striped Catalan flags (many with the blue triangle and silver secessionist star), chants of "independence" and more than a million people.
I was struck by their impassioned rejection of the Spanish state.
In their eyes, the failings of Spanish politics were catastrophic. For them, the economic crisis enveloping their beloved Catalonia was proof enough.
Surely that demonstration was a wake-up call for the Spanish government?
Image copyrightAFPImage captionCatalan leaders (front row) are being prosecuted over last year's vote won by the pro-independence camp
Madrid counter-argument
However, it was another three years until I and other foreign Madrid-based journalists were invited to La Moncloa - Spain's version of Number 10 Downing Street or the White House - to be briefed on Catalonia by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's Chief of Staff, Jorge Moraga.
In at times strong language, he wanted to put across how Madrid saw latest events.
Catalonia did not get a raw economic deal, he argued. Via Catalan public media the nationalists had manipulated public opinion, creating a false sense of grievance amongst Catalans and the impression that the Spanish state was "anti-Catalan".
Mr Moraga, a Catalan himself, said the opposite was true and argued that the voice of those Catalans (like him) whose DNA was both Spanish and Catalan was being drowned out.
Around the same time, the Spanish foreign minister went head-to-head on Catalan TV in a debate against a leading pro-independence politician.
For many, the Spanish government woke up late from what appeared, at worst, to be a sense of denial over the Catalan question, and at best a policy of non-engagement.
Escalation
Now Madrid is warning that senior Catalan politicians could have their powers taken away if they continue to "disobey" the will of the Spanish state.
Image copyrightGetty ImagesImage captionA movement to defend the unity of Spain has held smaller rallies in Catalonia
In one Spanish newspaper this week there was talk of Madrid taking control of Catalonia's autonomous police force, or cutting funding to the Catalan government.
After years of inaction, when the arguments and desires of the Catalan independence movement appeared for many in Madrid to be theoretical hyperbole, things now feel real.
The threat of Catalan politicians creating their own state, regardless of what Madrid says, is real.
The idea of Madrid using the force of law to physically stop this happening could soon become real.
Everything could change if there is a change of government in Madrid in a Spanish general election on 20 December.
Of course the pro-independence camp have problems of their own. They are an unlikely political amalgamation of right- and left-wing parties. The centre-right President Artur Mas is desperately trying to hang on to power.
But those on the far left are unlikely to accept him as their independence king.
The impasse between Madrid and the nationalists in Barcelona has produced a sense of political crisis. And no one knows where this will end.world-europe-34797260
Sembla que anem per llarg, la CUP i Junts pel Sí están retrasant per fer temps i no donar ventatge al govern espanyol per poder actuar contra els nostres politics escollits democráticament.
Tenim el temps just per poder arribar a un acord (sembla que está molt aprop de produir-se), dons, a que esteu esperant a portarlo a efecte?
Quins son els verdaders motius que porta a la CUP a retardar l'elecció del MHP de la Generalitat?
