Statement by the International Parliamentary Delegation on Catalonia’s Referendum on Self-Determination Oct. 1st 2017

Opening Remarks

• We were impressed and reassured by the patient, determined and non-violent behaviour of the huge number of people who came out to vote across Catalonia.

• As a Parliamentary Delegation we wish to express abhorrence at:

(a) The violence of the Spanish State that brought about more than 800 individuals being injured.

(b) The electronic sabotage deployed against the democratic vote.

(c) The removal of ballot boxes by Spanish State Forces.

• We would like to express our admiration for scrupulous and professional work of polling staff across Catalonia in the face of real and significant problems and pressures.

Participation Process

• We are a cross party delegation of present and former Parliamentarians from Europe and other countries. We have been asked by the Public Diplomacy Council of Catalonia to observe the Referendum on Self-Determination and to report to the interested public on the process.
• In following these instructions we applied the Code of conduct for international election observers.
• On the day of the referendum – naturally aware of tensions between the Catalonian initiative and the Spanish authorities – we visited several polling stations where we observed a great number of citizens expecting to vote.
• The delegation was treated with respect and enjoyed co-operation with all those involved in the process. We had the freedom to travel and interrogate as we saw fit and experienced no coercion or direction. We were able to meet participants from all sides of the debate. We were also able to interact with the media at all times.
• We can make no comment on the polls which took place abroad, as we did not observe them.
• The Referendum of October 1, has been conducted under challenging circumstances, and we believe it has achieved – regardless of the controversy and pain caused – a success.

Main Findings

• As far as the organization of the polling stations is concerned, we found that the process was prepared thoroughly and in agreement with the existing legislation of the Kingdom of Spain.
• Regardless of this context, the activities of the polling stations were threatened and obstructed by outside intervention consisting of electronic and physical disturbance including the use of violence by the Spanish state police.
• In most cases, the election-personnel was forced to abandon the prepared plan of voting with the help of electronic devices, and had to resort to traditional voting rolls. The voting procedure was thus essentially prolonged.
• More threatening were the physical interventions by the Spanish State Police that could, in some cases be defined as brutal, and in most cases as breaches of human rights and civil liberties.
• The referendum was a demonstration of the determination of the Catalonian people, as far as the right to vote and democratic process were concerned. It meant a successful political mobilization of the Catalonian nation. The results of the referendum will have to be taken into account by the international community generally, especially by European Union, Council of Europe, and the Spanish authorities.

Strengths

• The process was conducted in a positive, peaceful and friendly atmosphere despite provocation.
• The process was conducted in an efficient manner by a large number of volunteers selected following democratic procedures.
• There was an adequate number of ballot boxes for the process – except in the cases when they were confiscated by the Spanish State police.
• Adequate steps were taken to ensure that only registered electors could cast their vote and that all reasonable steps were taken to prevent double voting.
• The democratic process was threatened, but it was not destroyed. The people of Catalonia defended their right to vote with great courage and integrity.

Weaknesses

• Main problems of the referendum were the legal limitations of and political threats to the referendum-personnel including the central Electoral Commission and confiscation of casted votes by the Spanish police.
• The need to switch from electronic to classical paper documentation did not help the efficient referendum process.
• [We observed difficulties of ensuring the secrecy of the vote as in many places there were no voting booths.]

Final remarks

• The Spanish Government should not have resorted to violence breaking the basic principles of Human Rights as established in international documents signed and ratified by the Kingdom of Spain.
• Although the Generalitat on several occasions publicly declared its willingness to negotiate in legal and amicable manner the future institutional arrangement of Catalonia, we regret that the Spanish Government refused to negotiate with them.
• We would hope that, in the near future, the Spanish Government will enter into genuine negotiations with the Catalans.
• Finally we consider it regrettable that the European Union, the Council of Europe and other international organisations have not acted to mediate with the purpose to facilitate an agreed solution, acceptable for both parties.

Barcelona, October 1st 2017

• Former Slovenian Foreign Affairs Minister Dimitrij RUPEL / Slovenia (Slovenian Democratic Party S&D)-Spokesperson
• MEP Mark DEMESMAEKER / Belgium (New-Flemish Alliance ECR Group)
• MP Peter LUYKX / Belgium (New-Flemish Alliance ECR Group)
• MEP Helga STEVENS / Belgium (New-Flemish Alliance ECR Group)
• MP Alex AHRENDTSEN / Denmark (Danish People’s Party ECR)
• MP Magni ARGE / Denmark (Member of the Faroe Islands Committee)
• MP Lars ASLAN RASMUSEN / Denmark (Socialdemokraterne S&D)
• MP Pelle DRAGSTED / Denmark (Enhedslisten)
• MP Rasmus NORDQVIST / Denmark (Alternativet)
• MP Artur TALVIK / Estonia (Vabaerakond – Free Party)
• MP Simon ELO / Finland (Blue Parliamentary Group ECR)
• MP Heli Maria JÄRVINEN / Finland (Vihreät – Green League Greens/EFA)
• Assembly Bureau President of the Conseil Régional Occitanie / Pyrénées-Méditerranée Gerard ONESTA / France (Europe Écologie Les Verts Greens/EFA)
• MP Andrej HUNKO / Germany (Die Linke GUE/NGL)
• MEP Stylianos KOULOGLOU / Greece (Syriza GUE/NGL)
• MP Birgitta JÓNSDÓTTIR / Iceland (Pirate Party)
• MP Mick BARRY / Ireland (Socialist Party GUE/NGL)
• MEP Martina ANDERSON / Ireland (Sinn Féin GUE/NGL)
• MEP Lynn BOYLAN / Ireland (Sinn Féin GUE/NGL)
• MP Eoin Ó BROIN / Ireland (Sinn Féinn GUE/NGL)
• Senator Trevor Ó CLOCHARTAIGH / Ireland (Sinn Féin GUE/NGL)
• MP Ksenia SVETLOVA / Israel (Liberal/Labour – Zionist Union)
• MP Veiko SPOLITIS / Latvia (Independent – Former Vienotība)
• Former State Secretary Emil KIRJAS / F.Y.R. Macedonia (Liberal International)
• Member National CouncilAlain Victor Raymond FICINI / Monaco (HM Horizon Monaco)
• MEP Josu JUARISTI ABAUNZ / Spain (EH Bildu GUE/NGL)
• MEP María Lidia SENRA RODRÍGUEZ / Spain (Alternativa Galega de Esquerdas – Izquierda Unida GUE/NGL)
• MEP Bodil VALERO / Sweden (Miljöpartiet de gröna Greens/EFA)
• MP Joanna CHERRY / UK (Scottish National Party Greens/EFA)
• MP Douglas CHAPMAN / UK (Scottish National Party Greens/EFA)
• MEP Jill EVANS / UK (Plaid Cymru – The party of Wales  Greens/EFA)
• MP Lord RENNARD / UK (Liberal Democrat Party ALDE)
• MP Hywel WILLIAMS / UK (Plaid Cymru – The party of Wales Greens/EFA)

Download the statement in pdf

DECLARACIÓ DE LA DELEGACIÓ PARLAMENTÀRIA INTERNACIONAL SOBRE EL REFERÈNDUM DE CATALUNYA SOBRE AUTO-DETERMINACIÓ 1 D'OCTUBRE DE 2017

http://www.cataloniavotes.eu/en/statement-by-the-international-parliamentary-delegation-on-catalonias-referendum-on-self-determination-oct-1st-2017/
PARAULES INICIALS
• Vàrem quedar impressionat i tranquil•litzats pel comportament pacient, determinat i no violent de l'enorme quantitat de persones que van votar per tot Catalunya.
• Com a Delegació Parlamentària volem expressar la nostre aversió a:
(a) La violència de l'Estat espanyol que va provocar que més de 800 persones en resultessin ferides.
(b) El sabotatge electrònic que va ser desplegat contra el vot democràtic.
(c) La confiscació de les urnes per part de les Forces Estatals espanyoles.
• Voldríem expressar la nostra admiració per la tasca escrupolosa i el treball professional de les persones que varen tenir al seu càrrec els procés electoral a tot Catalunya havent de  fer front a problemes i pressions reals i significatius.
PROCÉS DE PARTICIPACIÓ
• Som una delegació de parlamentaris i ex-parlamentaris de partits diversos d'Europa i d'altres països. El Consell Diplomàtic Públic de Catalunya ens va sol•licitar ser observadors en el Referèndum sobre Autodeterminació de Catalunya i fer un informe adreçat a qui pugui estar interessat sobre el seu desenvolupament.
• Seguint aquestes instruccions, hem treballat aplicant el Codi de Conducta per a Observadors Electorals Internacionals.
• El dia del referèndum - essent naturalment conscients de les tensions entre la iniciativa catalana i les autoritats espanyoles - vàrem visitar diversos centres electorals on vam observar un gran nombre de ciutadans que esperaven votar.
• La delegació va ser tractada amb respecte i va gaudir de la cooperació de part de tots els implicats en el procés. Teníem la llibertat de viatjar i d’interrogar tot els que vàrem creure convenient i no vàrem rebre cap mena de coerció ni ordre. Hem pogut conèixer els participants de tots els costats del debat. També vàrem poder interactuar amb els mitjans de comunicació en tot moment.
• No podem fer cap comentari sobre les enquestes que es van realitzar a l'estranger, ja que no les vàrem tenir presents.
• El Referèndum de l'1 d'octubre s'ha realitzat sota circumstàncies desafiants, i creiem que ha aconseguit - amb independència de la controvèrsia i el dolor provocats -  un èxit.
RESULTATS PRINCIPALS
• Pel que fa a l'organització dels col•legis electorals, vam constatar que el procés es va preparar a fons i d'acord amb la legislació vigent del Regne d'Espanya.
• Independentment d'aquest context, les activitats dels centres electorals van ser amenaçades i dificultades per intervencions externes com per exemple alteracions físiques i electròniques, incloent l'ús de la violència per part de la policia estatal espanyola.
• En moltes ocasions, el personal encarregat de les eleccions es va veure obligat a abandonar el pla de votació preparat amb l'ajuda dels dispositius electrònics i va haver de recórrer als sistemes tradicionals de votació. El procediment de votació va ser essencialment perllongat.
• Més amenaçadores van ser les intervencions físiques de la Policia Estatal Espanyola que, en alguns casos, es podrien definir com a brutals i, en la majoria dels casos, com a violacions dels drets humans i les llibertats civils.
• El referèndum va ser una demostració de la determinació del poble català, pel que fa al dret al vot i al procés democràtic. Va significar una reeixida mobilització política de la nació catalana. Els resultats del referèndum hauran de ser tinguts en compte per la comunitat internacional en general, especialment per la Unió Europea, el Consell d'Europa i les autoritats espanyoles.
FORTALESES
• El procés es va dur a terme en un ambient positiu, pacífic i amigable malgrat la provocació.
• El procés es va dur a terme de forma eficient per un gran nombre de voluntaris seleccionats després de procediments democràtics.
• Hi havia un nombre suficient d'urnes per al procés - excepte en els casos en què la Policia Estatal Espanyola els havia confiscat.
• Es van prendre mesures adequades per assegurar que només els electors registrats podien emetre el seu vot i també es van prendre tots els passos raonables per evitar la doble votació.
• El procés democràtic va ser amenaçat, però no va ser destruït. El poble de Catalunya va defensar el seu dret al vot amb gran coratge i integritat.
DEBILITATS
• Els principals problemes del referèndum van ser les limitacions legals i les amenaces polítiques al personal del referèndum, inclosa la Comissió Electoral central i la confiscació, per part de la Policia Espanyola, de vots emesos.
• La necessitat de canviar de procediment de votació, de documentació electrònica a fer-ho de la forma clàssica amb paper, no va ajudar a l’eficiència del procés del referèndum.
• [Vam observar dificultats per garantir el secret de la votació, ja que a molts llocs no hi havia cabines de vot.]
COMENTARIS FINALS
• El Govern espanyol no hauria d'haver recorregut a la violència que trenca els principis bàsics dels Drets Humans tal com s'estableix en els documents internacionals signats i ratificats pel Regne d'Espanya.
• Tot i que la Generalitat va manifestar públicament en diverses ocasions la seva disposició a negociar de manera legal i amigable el futur arranjament institucional de Catalunya, lamentem que el Govern espanyol es negués a negociar amb ells.
• Esperem que, en un futur proper, el Govern espanyol iniciï una veritable negociació amb els catalans.
• Finalment, considerem lamentable que la Unió Europea, el Consell d'Europa i altres organitzacions internacionals no hagin actuat per mediar amb la finalitat de facilitar una solució acordada, acceptable per ambdues parts.

Barcelona, 1 d'octubre de 2017

TRUMP / PENCE RENUNCIA SEGUIDO POR ARRESTOS DE MASA CON LA OCUPACION MILITAR DE DC SE PREVÉ QUE SE HAGA ESTE MES.

EMISIONES DE EMERGENCIA

FUERON PRUEBAS EL ÚLTIMO MES EN LA PREPARACIÓN PARA LO QUE ESTA PREVISTO ESTE MES.

TRUMP / PENCE RENUNCIA SEGUIDO POR ARRESTOS DE MASA CON LA OCUPACION MILITAR DE DC SE PREVÉ QUE SE HAGA ESTE MES.

ESTOS HECHOS PREVISTOS DEPENDEN DE SI EL CABAL HA COMPLETAMENTE DEROGADO O HA SIDO TOTALMENTE ANNIHILATED DETRÁS DE LAS ESCENAS.

TODOS LOS MIEMBROS PÚBLICOS DEL CABAL / LOS TIBURONES SERÁN ARRESTADOS O PELIGROSOS.

EL GCR / RV INICIARÁ DURANTE ESTOS EVENTOS.


ESTOS EVENTOS TRANSPIRARAN EN UN DIA (S) DONDE LAS CONDICIONES SON OPTIMALES.


MARTES, MIÉRCOLES, JUEVES SON LOS DÍAS BANCARIOS.

TODOS LOS TENEDORES DE MONEDA REDUCIRAN PRIVAMENTEMENTE SIN UN TRACTO Y TAN RÁPIDO COMO UNIDAD DE ALIMENTACIÓN RÁPIDA.


GESARA SEGUIRÁ SIGUIENTE. EL MUNDO CAMBIARÁ SÓLO COMO, CON UNA PISTA DE OJO.

   

Operación Divulgación 
https://operationdisclosure.blogspot.com/ RV / INTELLIGENCE ALERT - 3 de octubre de 2017 

TRUMP/PENCE RESIGNING FOLLOWED BY MASS ARRESTS WITH THE MILITARY OCCUPYING D.C. IS PREDICTED TO HAPPEN THIS MONTH.

Operation Disclosure
https://operationdisclosure.blogspot.com/

RV/INTELLIGENCE ALERT - October 3, 2017

EMERGENCY BROADCASTS WERE TESTED LAST MONTH IN PREPARATION FOR WHAT'S PREDICTED THIS MONTH.

TRUMP/PENCE RESIGNING FOLLOWED BY MASS ARRESTS WITH THE MILITARY OCCUPYING D.C. IS PREDICTED TO HAPPEN THIS MONTH.

THESE PREDICTED EVENTS DEPEND ON WHETHER OR NOT THE CABAL HAVE COMPLETELY SURRENDERED OR HAVE BEEN TOTALLY ANNIHILATED BEHIND THE SCENES.

ALL PUBLIC CABAL MEMBERS/PUPPETS WILL BE ARRESTED OR WORSE.

THE GCR/RV WILL BEGIN DURING THESE EVENTS.

THESE EVENTS WILL TRANSPIRE ON A DAY(S) WHERE CONDITIONS ARE OPTIMAL.

TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, THURSDAY ARE THE BANKING DAYS.

ALL CURRENCY HOLDERS WILL PRIVATELY REDEEM WITHOUT A TRACE AND AS QUICK AS FAST FOOD DRIVE THRU.

GESARA WILL SHORTLY FOLLOW.

THE WORLD WILL CHANGE JUST LIKE THAT, WITH A BLINK OF AN EYE.

State of convenience and judicial prevarication Spain and the rule of judiciary

02/10/2017  Francisco Muñoz Gutiérrez Rebellion The Garden of wills between Volcanoes emotions ... Small Hispanic treated with 14 botanical landscapes 

1. The Hispanic bonsai nursery 

2. Coercion versus moral coercion policy; the Catalan case. 

3. The monarchy without nobility 

4. The Spanish Pax 

5. From the Spanish Legion Atresmedia 

6. The authoritarian bias and false separation of powers 

7. The sacralization of judges and the Empire of the Judiciary in August. 

8- the legislator and the funeral of fundamental rights 

9. hangman judge cherubic justice: the eunuch and the gypsy in the henhouse. 

10. The Royalist State Expediency

11. The Hallucinogenic the Supreme Court and the naive duckies fair 

12.- The epicenter of judicial prevarication 

13.- The Chinese vases of the Penal Code; 446 and 447. 

14. Subterfuge technical transgressor of law 

Foucault said that the speech is not a linguistic fact (1), but a strategic game of struggle and confrontation; of action and reaction, argument and counter-argument; of domination and accommodation; of critical engagement and uncritical submission. Foucault was certainly French.

A Spanish had ever spoken of "strategic game" in the twentieth century Spain. Even in the current Spain, since from the dictatorship bar any talk show, or television, or parliamentary debate, set essentially any linguistic fact; much less a "strategic game". In the last 80 years that exchanges of ideas Spanish medium which is usually practiced confrontation of wills. Be sovereignty or independence, monarchical or republican, right or left, professor or párvulo, judge or lawyer, the Spanish today operates in all areas of his life in a huge garden of wills that permanently blooming among volcanoes of emotions ; from Algeciras to Portbou. 

1.- The Hispanic bonsai nursery 

Wills and emotions in Spain make an enveloping reality without territorial or institutional exception. Not even the current institution of Spanish justice -heir tradition of nineteenth-century Romano- law, is configured as a territory exception of wills. On the contrary the Spanish justice is established as the most subtle Hispanic bonsai nursery national society. Apparently the court ritual is structured around the rhetorical discourse where two parties opposing, called litigants try to persuade a third, called jurisdictional court, where magistrates of black, called judges exercise their power of coercion consequence of submission of the parties to the existing social order.
Legal scholars describe this dialectic under the euphemism of the "principle of contradiction". A ritual of procedural law, also commonly known as "litis debate" and whose essence reminiscent of the literary contests where some lawyers, legal professionals rhetoric, competing before the court -soberano power of duress, counting the stories of their customers as best matches in the "right."

Do they form these legal discourses what Foucault termed as "strategic games !? An affirmative answer would be very questionable because after the first appearance of rational and objective arguments these discourses often have more trilero character of dialectical confrontation since its main objective is to emphasize the favorable disfiguring what adverse to the interests of the client, being that all truth becomes pure coincidence. Even the truth competes here with lying on equal terms. In the theater of justice truth is the sentence. 

2.- Coercion versus moral coercion policy; the Catalan case. 

 

But all truth is pure accident in the liturgy of justice. State and Law rest since ancient times on the organization of coercion, so that political coercion has as its main object the realization of the right, while social coercion aims morality (2). A palpable example of this architecture can be seen in the current conflict of Catalan independence. Conflict emerges an Orthodox confrontation between political coercion of course Spanish rule of law, and social coercion independence of the alleged morality of the citizens of Catalonia. Consequently morality is understood as the set of customs that prove the historical uniqueness of Catalan identity.

Faced dialogue between these two types of coercion is pure art of trileros. The debate lacks rational basis since political coercion of the State is based on the power of quoconstitucional status and social coercion of independence is based on the customary oppression of custom identity. Are two incommensurable logics; irrational base, and other emotional constitution. Although both of the two are rooted in the same historical event; the Spanish civil war with its outcome in the long period of Franco 's dictatorship. Without rationality no dialogue or objective reality; only conflict of wills and submission. 

3.- The monarchy without nobility 

Only conflict of wills and submission. Soberanista old dynamic remains today in the World 8 Unrecognized States; Abkhazia, the Northern Cyprus, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kosovo, Ossetia, Western Sahara, Somaliland and Transnistria. On 25 September a referendum on independence in Iraqi Kurdistan that threatens to war consequences announced by Turkey was held. In Europe we have two territories they hope to achieve independence; Catalonia and Scotland. And only Scotland undertook a sedate rational debate and played down the confrontation of wills between the English and Scottish independence soberanismo.

The monarchy without nobility Spain is not a rule of law simply because in 1978, after the biological death of the dictator, reached an agreement on a constitutional consensus that established the quo alstatus respect consolidated over 40 years of dictatorship. The transition ensured peace in 78 of the 36 winners establishing a monarchical democracy not reconciled with the principles of republican democracy. It is illogical to think that the dictator and his cronies establish a succession regime in terms of republican rights so they opted for the formula of a monarchy without nobility; isolated, sustained and dependent Wills persistence and continuity of emerging elite the dictatorship.
Consequently the new social order of 78 responded, rather, non - confrontational consensus where peace respected the old grandfathered victor in favor of a certain conservative restraint of the will of freedom and justice of subject. The peace agreement was achieved about safeguarding the modus vivendi reached in Spanish society by subjecting (accommodation) of two unequal parts to the Constitution of 1978. 

4.- The Spanish Pax 

This is where we should remember Ronald Sokol, a lawyer and veteran French-American writer, who states that the purpose of the law, unlike science, is not to determine the truth; "Their main objective declares the prestigious jurist, is to minimize the conflict" (3). And indeed the creation of 78 played down the conflict of the Spanish wound, and made possible the peaceful transition without altering the inequalities imposed by the former dictator's regime.

Javier Tusell personalize, however, this "Pax Spanish" the heir monarchy regime to avoid bankruptcy legitimacy of emerging elites in Franco. "In the case of the Spanish transition Tusell- says, the monarchy served as maintainer instrument that legitimacy in that, if one side was the heir of the regime, the other was building a new democratic legitimacy. Monarchy contributed, therefore, to keep the feeling of a leisurely and from moderation change was possible. He avoided ultimately breaking the law and produced a profound transformation but from the budgets themselves the previous regime "  (4). 

5.-From the Spanish Legion Atresmedia

The legitimacy of speaking Tussel is not something abstract because what was inherited from the regime were already consolidated privileges passed without discussion to swell the new status quo of democracy 78 (5). And all kind of privileged protagonists of the dictatorship passed, the overnight, to become respectable businessmen of great merit. A shining example of this transition from legitimacies can be no doubt José Manuel Lara, who was not only captain of the legion, and actively participated in the military repression of Barcelona, ​​but in 1949 founded the Editorial Planeta; Planet today that integrates Atresmedia (Antena 3, La Sexta, Onda Cero, Europa FM and FM Melody), corporation and is also the largest shareholder of the rightwing newspaper La Razon Group.

6.- Authoritative bias l to false separation of powers

However, there are tons of writings by analyzing the Spanish transition from the perspective of the form of government. However hardly found any work on the transition from one legal or judicial perspective. In this area, the Constitution of 78 never fought deep authoritarian bias of the old dictatorial regime, nor substantiate any democratic rule of law and never the regime of law applicable in the new Spanish society was reformed simply the corresponding systems adapted to the right according to political and institutional developments incorporating the new parliamentary monarchy. Consequently it never reformed in depth the institution of justice that remained interconnected with the executive, and economic, for many "underground" channels.

7.- The sacralization of judges and the Empire of the Judiciary in August. 

A simple analysis of civil jurisprudence of recent decades of Franco and the four decades of democracy show that the so-called Rule of Law hardly suffers significant change in the principles of which authoritarianism legal reasoning and technical ignorance now wears sovereign toga it is held with such archaic instruments such as the rule of "sound judgment" (art. 376 LEC) in the "standard of proof", among others.

Lack of technical expertise of judges is a macabre affair in a world where the encyclopedic wisdom ceased to exist with the emergence of specialized sciences. However, in the shadow of the antiterrorist fight against ETA Spanish magistrates suffer the paradox of a process of isolation and sacralization with undisputed privileges out of control and scrutiny. Paradoxically growing irrationalities of the system were rising, while the conflict of Spanish society and saturation of the courts.

Consequently, since the Constitution of 78, the Rule of Law can often understood as the Empire of the Judiciary, since the law usually related to the social and economic order develops slowly lagoons where the judiciary specialized -not - get enough to adopt the "most appropriate" to protect the "new" status quo resolution of democracy elasticity.

Corruption is triggered with the joy of the housing bubble, and justice becomes an industry that moves substantial amounts of money. The benefit is so succulent that there are law firms that now pay expensive television advertising campaigns with Iker Casillas to capture massive justiciable in similar cases that already have standardized. This shows clearly that legal services in Spain today make up proportionately even more intensive sector financial services sector capital transfer. The gap of 78 justice system and robagallinas

Rudolf Ihering already in 1883 defined the law as the rule of force and arbitrariness occurs when the same force violates its own standard (6). Interestingly one of the most noticeable effects of the transition of 78 is arbitrary legal supremacy normally enjoyed "in fact" the "powers" of Spanish society to the poor effectiveness of citizens ' rights theoretically recognized in the current law. 
Fundamental rights are fundamental drastically for very honorable and very controversial Spanish elites for the rest of litigants. It is the gap extending between rate cases puppeteers Granada and cases of corruption honorable Jordi Pujol type.

It is a deep gap that affects all areas of political, economic and legal life. Gap which constantly shines the institution of the Spanish Banking lighting the deposit richness of the economic exploitation of the public by the lucrative exploitation of loopholes in the law with what is commonly known as the "fine print" of the contracts. speculative use of consequences euphemistically little 'small' at best.

8- the legislator and the funeral of fundamental rights 

But what happens when the judge, coach right, moves through the dark territories of the loopholes in the law? What did you mean the president of the General Council of the Judiciary when in 2014 he called the Spanish justice as a "robagallinas justice"?

Clearly the new legal order created by the Constitution of 78 has just makeup gaps in the system of the dictatorship. The new parliamentary legislature transition has worried little real legal certainty and effective citizenship since they not only reformed the Spanish judicial institution, but only has dealt with slowly incorporate the new emerging realities without significantly touch the essential core of the judicial tradition of the old regime. Even as modern institutions as "ombudsman" are apparent creations without actual efficiency ever since they are lacking testimonial institutions powerless to defend the citizens hit their rights by both the executive and administrative power, and by the judiciary. Rather than "ombudsmen" authentic morgues where citizens attend the last ritual burning of their alleged "fundamental rights". Worth more for their paper that their reports.

9.-hangman judge cherubic justice: the eunuch and the gypsy in the henhouse. 

The right academic world and the justice of all jurisdictional orders still remain bunkerizados in Spain under the mantra of a nineteenth-century absolutist and inquisitorial judiciary devoid of any effective element of control and supervision of the performance of judges and lawyers. So a -infierno injusticias- dictatorship, Spaniards spent in a jiffy garden-paradise of justice on earth. And some executioners judges of the Franco regime was passed immediately to a diffuse authoritarian regime with the same judges characterized now angelic cherubim of justice; absolute guardians of Article 24 of the Spanish Constitution and garantistas rationalists of the right to effective judicial protection of the "justiciable". Law impartial eunuchs, no will.

However, the actual miracle of this transition consisted of customary accommodation of litigants to a judicial authoritarianism vein embedded in popular culture. The Spaniards kept the inertia of submission to the typical "robagallinas justice" of the courts of the dictator's regime. Lawsuits you have and you win! he exclaimed with great wisdom gypsy who thought so little of their fundamental rights as the judge who "ajusticiaba".

10. The Royalist State Expediency

For 40 years the legal logic of the dictatorship evolved its order and once eliminated the resistance of the vanquished, judges and professors of the regime gave way to the logic of the victors as priority subjects of rights and freedoms against the population being considered justiciable disputable extensive obligations and rights.

With the transition of 78 born therefore the monarchical state as a legal instrument Convenience moderation of new emerging social order. The official mantra that is repeated everywhere is that Spain has become the overnight in a perfect "democratic rule of law" which opens the way modern concept of the "welfare state". A whole bubble utopia and pragmatism beach felipista expiration date. Moderation of transition is essentially preserved by the judiciary the rights and freedoms of the powers of the rentier, business and banking oligarchy against the rights and freedoms of the invocasen litigants against the consolidated powers. The latest example forms the case of the floor clauses.

Thus the "robagallinas justice 'describes an arrangement focused on primary offenses classic forceful immediacy; robbery, theft, murder, etc. System where, however, grow in marshy territories depth and extent as criminal cases are complicated by more complex and less immediate action. And it is in these areas where the figure of the judge ignorante- specialized, technically, lacking resources and subject to a crippling productivity settles and consolidates the 'State of convenience ".

11. The Hallucinogenic the Supreme Court and the naive duckies fair 

Apparently the procedural course of proceedings is crowned with the Supreme Court where justiciable economic resources can go ultimately to cases of "procedural violation 'and' appeal ', two very limited way to procedural technicalities and converging on the protection of the legal norm (nomofilaxis). This is the trap of naive justiciable since the Supreme Court is not the supreme court, but a technical body reserved for the disquisitions between judges and lawyers on the technical implementation of the system.

The Supreme Court informs all powerful hallucinogen legal citizenship where all justiciable represents the pantomime atrezzo of the original dispute. Litigation serves, in turn, justification for the action was brought around a system allegedly misapplied. Whole "theater" naive tomfoolery for litigants who come to TS with aspirations of justice. And quite an expensive therapy for malcontents who gives huge profits to the law firms of those losers clients.

How you can err fifteenth century gunner firing his cannon at a castle located 10 meters away? ... Obviously very hard. Well this is what explains the high frequency of refusals and rejections of resources annually presented to the Supreme Court. It is very difficult to understand that despite this persistent statistics for 4 decades, the General Council of the Judiciary does nothing 'Nothing - or to improve the training of lawyers, or to avoid economic bleeding of litigants. It is therefore paradoxical that vociferously for more than 40 years of judiciary in the democratic regime, the General Council of the Judiciary itself so clearly despises the Spanish citizenship systematically ignoring the art.

12.- The epicenter of judicial malfeasance

However the epicenter of procedural trickery of the Constitution of 78 is hidden in the second instance where the Provincial Courts become the true theater of judicial prevarication. The reality shows that the Provincial Courts are the real Supreme Court of the State of Spanish Convenience whenever prevaricate in the first instance is a company short haul, while judicial prevarication in the second instance remains unpunished in the opacity of the interstices of judicial system itself.

Until the canonical judgment of the Supreme Court STS 2/99 of 15 October, judicial prevarication was an impregnable psychiatric theme based on the demonstration of a perverse intention magistrate accused of prevarication. Accused of malfeasance to a magistrate was quite a suicidal goal clearly impossible because the system itself impunity shielding the prevaricating action. However the judgment of the TS 1999 masterfully synthesized later in the legal basis of TS Auto fourth of March 5, 2014 (special cause 20747/2013) prevents the concept of "subterfuge of prevaricating, coach of law, seeking the excessiveness of his speech ensure the unlawfulness of their behavior. " 

From there a space that rejects the subjectivist conception of facing the crime of trespass against legal professional scrutiny of their own technical arts opens. For the first time the jurisprudential doctrine neglects the nineteenth speech wills. 

13.-Chinese vases of the Penal Code; 446 and 447

This new jurisprudential doctrine although feel a relevant base, it is undoubtedly weak and sufficient to generate change in the habits of authoritarian arbitrariness of the judiciary. No lawyer in his right mind would promote a complaint by court trespass against a court in his constituency of normal activity. No matter how clear it was prevarication, imprecision characteristic of art. 446 and 447 of the Penal Code that Spanish will prevent the most benevolent of cases irremediable act of committing professional suicide.

The daily reality of the provinces is that the Spanish judicial activity is designed to image and likeness of a Jesuit boarding school macabre where lawyers spend the same continuous examination before the same court. In retrospect provincial jurisdictional courts it is as a literary contest legal "stories" where each lawyer recurrently presents a different story at the same court rhetorical punctuating him for years and decades. Accusing therefore the court of prevarication is like signing their own death sentence civic daring and naive lawyer.

Even in the field of legal aid it is possible, at least in Andalusia, promoting a procedure for judicial malfeasance against a court that has robbed a justiciable by an allegedly unfair resolution adopted in favor of the economic interests of a bank. The shift lawyer immediately active art craft. 32 of Law 1/96 and ad hoc postulates arbitrarily and antijurídica- -of which the claim is untenable, and automatically the High Court of Andalusia (TSJA) denied the right to dispossessed justiciable. The recognition procedure is administrative law, but the TSJA automatically confirms the denial to the poor of the rights established by art. 119 of the Spanish Constitution without examining whether the administrative decision is properly fit right, or is resoundingly arbitrary. This fact can also be projectable to other jurisdictions in Spain.

14.- Technical subterfuge transgressor of law

What is therefore subterfuge technical transgressor of the law? ... Clearly detectable in a simple nomofilactico prevarication scrutiny of prevaricating resolution, it would be a blatant awkwardness of "technical of law" that would cause fulminant consequences the appeal to the Supreme Court. However the Provincial Court has a unique authority referred to in the law itself. Thus own Civil Procedure Act (LEC) in the second point of paragraph XIII of the explanatory memorandum states that 'the appeal is reaffirmed as full judicial review of the decision appealed. "

Revision takes place in two legal fields; the nomofilactico and factual. Only nomofiláctica review is appealable to the Supreme Court, while what is commonly referred to as "review of the assessment of evidence" is not amenable to any judicial instance whenever the art. LEC 469 excludes the extraordinary appeal for procedural infringement review of the factual basis and assessment of the test conducted in the second instance.

All that remains is the catchall of art. 24 of the Spanish Constitution where any accusation of irrationality, error, or arbitrary action brought against a judicial tribunal crashes to the principle of "literosuficiencia" combined with the nineteenth - century principle of "sound judgment" and absolutist power of the "weighting" arbitrary judge. An entire high - speed highway where the judge is the law in Spain. 
Thus, the modulated distortion of the factual basis of the dispute by a fuzzy compliance with the jurisdictional duties, combined with the belligerent obstruction of the relevant law and a convenient dose of distortion of the factual basis established by the original ruling, ensures impunity judicial will. 

Distortion technique is done in order both to blur the unlawfulness of prevaricating behavior, as in order to properly motivate the unjust resolution. The court is not an ignorant transgressor of law. Quite the contrary; is a technical versed dominating right to the point of making a power of judicial prevarication virtual impunity of the will of the judges of the provincial courts. 

Notes: ( 1) .- Foucault; Truth and legal forms. Gedisa 2009. 

(2). - Rudolf Ihering; The end of the law. 1883. 

(3) Ibid .- 

(4) .- The Spanish democratic transition from a comparative view. Tussell Javier Gomez. S Accounting # 41, 1988, p. 109 to 120. (text available in pdf https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=2047970, p. 8.)
(5) .- There is no doubt that the dictatorship created an emerging class in Spanish society during its 40 years of authoritarian rule. Manuel Ramírez, professor of constitutional law at the University of Zaragoza sums it up; "... during the sixties and early seventies, capitalist patterns of what one day di called the" techno-pragmatic Franco 'originate and settle this new social class that had two clear objectives: to preserve at all costs economic levels obtained and logically away any hint of a new contest in which "could lose some." Reflections on the Spanish transition to democracy. Journal of Political Law, No. 31. 1990, pages 9 to 25. (Text in pdf accessible http://revistas.uned.es/index.php/derechopolitico/article/view/8440/8076, p. 18).

(6) .- Richard Dawkins' Law Delusion; Ronald SOKOL; 12/30/2015; www.project-syndicate.org 

Blog author: https://lacalledecordoba21.blogspot.com.es 

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